Columns on this page:
1.
TRADE I, (1/31/02)
2. TRADE II, (1/31/2002)
3. HISTORY, (3/18/02)
4. FOREIGN POLICY (5/15/02)
5. BUSH SHUNS TEXAS GOP CONVENTION AGAIN (6/24/2002)
6. THE U.S. CONSTITUTION (7/1/2002)
7. THE U.S. CONSTITUTION II (7/1/2002)
8. FOUNDATIONS (9/3/2002)
9. RESOULUTION OR DECLARATION? (9/31/2002)
10. IS AND WAS (9/31/2002)
TRADE
I, (1/31/02)
An Essay
By Richard C. Sizemore
The folks who denuded the Constitution and chipped away some
U.S. sovereignty with the World Trade Organization (WTO) and NAFTA
are on the verge of extending these trade concepts to encompass
more than 30 nations in the Western Hemisphere. They add new propaganda
twists to their marketing techniques almost every day.
Trade is now being sold by President Bush and his establishment
policy-makers in the name of morality and democracy, patriotism,
peace, the economy and jobs, and you name it. Like the other two
trade pacts, it is billed as a panacea for all ills.
Why it will even consider unemployment and environmental concerns
for offending trade partners - consider -- and maybe invoke fines
for such offenses, but it will not apply anything as harsh as
sanctions. Heaven forbid!
In addition to the new twists, the same old tired arguments of
the past are repeated over and over in the new sales pitches.
The new trade pact like the old is supposed to cut poverty and
benefit everyone with practically no limit to growth, education,
better standards of living an on and on.
But some experts like Former Harvard Professor David C. Korten
aren't buying the administration arguments. Korten points out,
for example, that trade organizations such as the WTO hand down
decisions allegedly in the interests of international trade but
which ''are primarily the interests of transnational corporations,''
that take precedence over everything including local interests
and local laws.
Benefits for corporations and other downside results are skipped
over or played down in the grandiose free trade sales pitches.
They include adverse effects on local communities, culture and
sovereignty; establishment of corporate colonialism with responsibility
to no one; nullification of anti-trust laws; reducing third world
countries to hopeless debt and depriving the public of meaningful
participation in global or hemispheric policies, and inhumane
sweat shops, to name a few.
Korten has written a new book When Corporations Rule the World
(Kumarian Press. And Berrett-Koehler Publishers, Inc.). He traces
the recent trade pacts like WTO and NAFTA back to the Bretton
Woods agreement of 1944 in which the IMF, World Bank, and GATT
emerged. But the agreement was flawed from the beginning, he asserts
in that it assumed that economic growth and enhanced world trade
would benefit everyone, and that economic growth would not be
constrained by the limits of the planet.
The result has been that the agreement ''
empowered the
super rich to lay claim to the world's wealth at the expenses
of other people, other species and the viability of the planet's
ecosystem.''
FAST TRACK
The House by a one-vote margin has given Bush ''fast track''
approval to negotiate trade pacts with Pan-America. That means
Congress cannot amend the pacts Bush negotiates but can only approve
or disapprove them. The Constitution specifically gives Congress
the power ''to regulate commerce with foreign nations
"
So, this is more usurpation of power by the executive.
Will he or his successor be asking the Senate to forgo its constitutional
obligation of ''advice and consent'' in approving treaties? Could
happen.
House Speaker Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.), who seems to be a rubber
stamp for Bush programs, said a negative vote about negotiating
trade authority would undermine Bush in war time. That's another
twist to the argument. How many wars have been fought and won
without fast trade authority? Hastert also backs Bush's stand
on secret energy program negotiations.
But Trade Representative Robert Zoellick was just short of ballistic
with an argument that compared a vote on the proposal to a test
of patriotism. That drew prompt and harsh criticism from Rep.
Charles Rangel (d-N. Y.) and a retreat by Zoellick. The president
boarded the big, costly (to taxpayers) Air Force One plane at
his disposal and took to the heartlands to lobby for the trade
package.
He pushed it as a way out of the recession; said foreign countries
wouldn't negotiate seriously without it; it would help farmers,
and it would create more jobs. If Congress is ruled out of the
decision-making process, then the question arises, why doesn't
the president just call for chucking the Constitution and making
the country an empire with him as emperor, of course.
The Dallas Morning News, which has gone about as extravagant
as Zoellick on the issue, advised in an editorial that Bush should
stress ''that trade offers the best hope of eliminating poverty
and
that economic interdependence among nations promotes peace.''
These arguments won't wash, and are not supported by evidence.
As for promoting peace hear what former Havard political scientist
Samuel P. Huntington says about it in his The Clash of Civilizations.
He points out, for example, that in 1913 international trade was
at record highs just before nations began slaughtering each other
in unprecedented numbers. ''If international commerce at that
level could not prevent war, when can it?'' Huntington questioned.
''The evidence simply does not support the
assumption that
commerce promotes peace,'' he adds.
Corporations, however, will be able to find cheap labor if the
new Pan-American agreement is approved. President Bush, like Bill
Clinton, is lobbying hard for it. After all, why should the American
people's representatives in Congress be involved in such heady
affairs? He and his establishment friends want total control,
and the Senate appears ready to give it to him.
Bush has decided to print out the agreement for everybody to
see, since some citizens protested the secrecy of the other pacts
which few, even Congressmen, read and fewer understood. It will
be like letting you read the fine print of your insurance policies
or the U.S. tax code. Reading it will have nothing to do with
the administration of it anyhow. That will be done behind closed
doors. But it's better than nothing.
THE LATINO VOTE
Politicians like Bush and Clinton have been cozying up to Latinos
who have been crossing the U.S. border en mass and now are a political
force and will soon outnumber whites. If you have a strong stomach
you can hear the result of this development by tuning into some
of Bush's Saturday morning radio broadcasts. He's doing them in
both English and Spanish.
That may be an insult to a lot of Americans, but remember one-vote
George doesn't want to become one-term George and is already running
again. But if foreigners want to come to this country, why should
they not learn the language? Why should taxpayers pay for having
everything printed in Spanish as well as English? A large percentage
of the Spanish-speaking people are in this country illegally anyway.
But politicians are not doing anything to stop them with enforceable
immigration laws that are fair to all countries as well as U.S.
taxpayers. There has been some added scrutiny since Sept. 11,
but that also applies in several other areas as well as airports.
As soon as many Mexicans cross the border mostly illegally, they
start looking into the possibility of getting in on U.S. welfare
benefits at the expense of U.S. taxpayers. Politicians get them
registered so they can vote, and even churches get in the act.
How long will it be before the fast-growing Asian population
also will want everything printed in Chinese or Japanese? And
why are the Germans, French and other European groups being ignored
in favor of Latinos? Could bloc voting have anything to do with
it?
Just because Mexico is a border country does not qualify her
for becoming the 51st state. It might be better to send foreign
aid than to have unlimited border crossings, which is practically
the case now. Despite the outcome of the battle of San Jacinto,
the Mexicans are winning the country anyway by taking over southern
states like Texas, California and Arizona while the political
class tip toes around the illegal immigrant issue to amass votes.
Georgie Anne Geyer in a Dallas Morning News column on 1/20/02
quoted some startling immigration figures. There are 8 to 9 million
illegal aliens in the country; 314,000 of which remained after
being deported. Of the total 6,000 are Middle Easterners. Geyer
criticizes the failure of our immigration system and liberals
such as Sen. Edward Kennedy who were responsible for the 1965
reform law. But she also notes that just the week before Sept.
11, ''
the Bush administration was ready to declare amnesty
for illegal aliens
''
PROTECTIONISTS
The cry of the so-called Globalists is protectionism for anyone
who wants fair trade or fair immigration policies that disagree
with their agenda. It's comparable to being called a racist if
you don't like Jesse Jackson, the hypocrite, (I don't) or disagree
with the views of someone or organization that happens to have
a different ethnicity. Bush is now alluding to new protectionism.
The old protectionism argument goes back to the Great Depression
for which the liberals used as blame for the nation's economic
downfall. But several historians outside the elite camp lay the
blame for the economic disaster on a conspiracy of world bankers
rather than protectionism.
Bush is a member of the establishment ruled by such organizations
as the Order of Skull & Bones, to which he, his father and
grand-father, belonged; and the Council on Foreign Relations;
the Trilateral Commission; Bilderbergs and related groups. The
propaganda emanating from Washington in favor of these trade agreements,
which are a boon for corporations and a detriment to U.S. workers,
the environment and sovereignty would make Paul Josef Goebbles
look like an amateur in the heyday of his career.
The establishment dailies like The New York Times and The Dallas
Morning News, to name a couple, are quick to spread the party
line. The News writes editorials and slants its stories on the
subject. As an example, Jim Landers, its trade reporter and a
member of CFR, wrote in covering the recent meeting in Canada
that the CFR was a nonpartisan organization research center.
Just because it bills itself as nonpartisan, reporters shouldn't
take that at face value. Maybe Landers believes the People's Republic
of China is truly a people's republic, or that the Federal Reserve
Board is truly federal and has reserves. Maybe Landers should
ponder that if the CFR is nonpartisan, why has it infiltrated
government and run U.S. foreign policy for the past 80 or so years?
And why do all the establishment people like Colin Powell, Condoleezza
Rice, Trade Rep Robert Zollic, Dick Chaney and other cabinet members
belong to this so-called ''non-partisan'' organization. When did
the CFR ever support anything but globalization and an infringement
on U.S. sovereignty? The late historian, Carroll Quigley, called
the Milner Group in England, from which the CFR originated, a
conspiracy that almost destroyed Western Civilization. (For more
on these organizations, click on ''Terms and Organizations.'')
Immigration, like trade, should also be enforced and be based
on fairness and not be one-sided as our trade is with China, Japan
and several other countries. Look at the U.S. trade deficit, and
it will be hard to find any fair trade practices, especially with
China and Japan where the United States runs its largest deficits.
In the name of brevity, I'll bust this opus into two parts and
in the second part look a little more closely at the opposite
side of some of the propaganda being used to promote trade as
a panacea to cure all that's bad in the world.
Top
TRADE II, (1/31/2002)
An essay
By Richard C. Sizemore
President Bush and his one-world trade-cures-all-ills establishment
friends cite NAFTA as the success story and prototype in selling
the new trade initiative for nations in the Western Hemisphere.
From Bush and his Trade Representative Robert Zoellic and other
proponents of the establishment party line nothing but plusses
in the form of jobs, democracy, morality, poverty elimination
and good will has emanated from NAFTA. The same will come from
the new or Quebec agreement, the ceaseless propaganda goes. They
never mention the benefits transnational corporations receive,
or the downside effects of NAFTA.
They also never mentioned that the Business Rountable, whose
members include the heads of the nation's largest corporations,
banks, insurance, retail and transportation companies, set up
a front organization (USA*NAFTA) to lobby for NAFTA early on.
Just like the present sales pitch, they said in their propaganda
barrage that NAFTA would provide better paying jobs, stop immigration
from Mexico and raise environmental standards. Clearly, none of
the above has happened.
This is the same crowd under a different party label that brought
you the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and World Bank. But before buying into the Quebec agreement
a little closer look at these organizations and their influence
on the world economic scene should be of concern.
So a good place to start is the Bretton Woods agreement in 1944
that grew out of 1939 discussions under the aegis of the Council
on Foreign Relations (CFR) (click on Terms & Organizations
for background on CFR). Out of Bretton Woods headed by then Treasury
Secretary Henry Morgenthau came the International Monetary Fund,
World Bank and the later creation of the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (GATT), from which the World Trade Organization
finally emerged.
The concept was flawed from the beginning claims David C. Korten,
author and former Harvard Business School professor because Morgenthau
stated ''that prosperity has no fixed limits,'' and assumed that
economic growth and enhanced world trade would benefit everyone.
Another assumption was that economic growth would not be constrained
by the limits of the planet.
Korten reaches this conclusion about the policies advanced by
the Bretton Woods institutions: ''They
have inexorably empowered
the super rich to lay claim to the world's wealth at the expense
of other people, other species, and the viability of the planet's
ecosystem.'' He calls for dismantling these institutions.
In The Case Against the Global Economy (Sierra Club Books, San
Francisco) 43 writers including Korten charge that free trade
and economic globalization are producing opposite results from
what had been promised, including harm to the environment and
the effects on local communities, culture and sovereignty.
Take culture as an example. Who wants a homogenized world culture?
When you go to some remote corner of the world, do you want to
look for a MacDonald's, Wal-Mart or some other discount retail
outfit that you can see at home, or do you want to see the natives
in their natural habitat? If the Good Lord had wanted a homogenized
world culture, surely he would have provided for a common language.
But he didn't. Instead, he deliberately scrabbled the language
at the Tower of Babble.
DOWNSIDE EXAMPLES
Here's some examples cited by Korten in his new book When Corporations
Rule the World (Berrett-Koehler Publishers, Inc.) of what globalization,
or ''globalony,'' as some wit probably aptly termed it,
has done to local cultures and people:
In Costa Rica the IMF and World bank shifted the economic incentives
away from small farms toward large estates producing for export.
Result, an increase in crime and dependency on imports to meet
basic food requirements as well as an increase in foreign debt.
The same strategy in Brazil displaced 28 million people in a 20-year
span to 1980. And in India, Korten says large-scale development
projects have displaced 20 million people over a forty-year period.
In Thailand, ten million rural people face eviction from the land
to make way for commercial tree farmers.
NAFTA, which the Bush Administration is touting as an example
for success and a prototype for the new Quebec agreement, is displacing
a million farm families in Mexico. As an example of how U.S. sovereignty
is depleted in these trade pacts that favor transnational corporations,
Jim Hightower, former Texas Agricultural Commissioner, cites a
good one in his book If Gods had Meant us to Vote They Would Have
Given us Candidates.
It involved a Mississippi funeral director whose business was
damaged by the unscrupulous behavior of a large Canadian funeral
home conglomerate and who was awarded $100 million in damages.
Under Chapter 11 of NAFTA the Canadian group sued the U.S. Government,
charging the Mississippi court system expropriated the assets
of its investors and harmed their future profits. Hightower explains
what this means:
A foreign corporation can come to your state, attempt to monopolize
your market illegally
get caught and convicted, agree to a cash settlement - then, citing
NATA, claim that the state court
has ''expropriated its investors' funds and therefore American
taxpayers must pay the cost of the
settlement plus other financial setbacks it claims the court verdict
caused.
One authority was quoted as saying a victory for the Canadian
firm ''would completely undermine the American civil justice system.''
Numerous other cases in the WTO could do the same thing, and the
new Quebec pact will not be immune to such sovereignty-busting
cases.
David Morris one of the writers in The Case Against the Global
Economy, satirizes one of the absurdities of free trade with a
story about toothpicks and chopsticks. Japan, with little wood,
became proficient at making toothpicks from imported wood and
oil and shipped them to the United States. A Minnesota company
produces a billion disposable chopsticks a year to sell to Japan.
''...I see two ships passing one another
one carries little
pieces of Minnesota wood bound for Japan; the other carries little
pieces of wood bound for Minnesota,'' writes Morris. '' Such is
the logic of free trade.''
The Bush Administration is not only repeating the existing stale
and faulty logic to sell global trade, he has introduced morality,
democracy, patriotism and economic progress into the pitch. ''When
we open trade, we open minds,'' Bush said in pushing normal trade
relations with China despite its growing belligerency. That includes
establishing two electronic listening posts in Cuba to gather
intelligence from the United States and the shipment of explosives
to the island nation on America's doorstep.
Robert Zoellick, the U.S. trade representative, visited China
in June, 2001 to reach agreement on several issues that might
hurt Beijing's entry into WTO. That communist nation is now a
member thanks largely to U.S. efforts. And all this presents another
question in logic. Why should free trade ''open minds'' and raise
all economic boats and allegedly build democracy in China when
it won't do the same in Cuba, Libya, Iran and Iraq, as examples?
In those countries the U.S. applies sanctions while in Communist
China it promotes trade at any cost.
LABOR CONDITIONS
And what is moral about trade that results in labor conditions
of 12-hour days with no days off in some places where workers
aren't even allowed to talk to each other; or arrangements akin
to servitude in many locations around the globe and where child
labor also is exploited? Did you ever look at the labels on clothing
you see in most U.S. retail outlets that say ''made in'' Saipan,
South Africa, China, Hondurous, Bangladish or India and why the
companies had to go that far off shore to take advantage of destitute
laborers?
And how about the enmity that accrues from trying to foist the
affluent Western culture on remote third world countries with
their own religions and mores? Some experts claim this was a factor
in fomenting the hatred of the United States by radical Islamists
like Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda network. How many other nations
and groups have been offended by the cultural clash is not known,
but upheavals in their normal way of life as a result of the all-out
trade offensive is evident.
U.S. hegemony rooted in the policy of globalism that is anchored
in cure-all trade expansion is resented by many countries and
cultures, especially Islam, which considers it a threat to its
security. In any event, the nation led by the same policy makers
since at least the end of World War I have made a 180-degree turn
from the advise given by the founding President George Washington
to stay out of foreign entanglements.
It is time to consider some of the adverse effects of these cure-for-all-ills
trade pitches, rather than take for granted the rosy propaganda
being disseminated by the one-world elites who are running foreign
policy. It wasn't long ago that they pulled out all the stops
to get WTO and NAFTA approved with ex-presidents Bush I, Carter
and Ford descending on the Clinton White House to lobby for the
effort. It was followed by the big push of all these ex-president
plus Bush II, then a candidate, to promote Permanent Normal Trade
Relations (PNTR) with China.
U.S. trade with China and Japan is all in favor of those countries
from a dollar standpoint and, many pundits submit, from a foreign
policy standpoint as well. Consider the lost jobs and security
in the form of high tech shipments, especially to China. The latest
figures for November, 2002, show a one-month trade deficit with
China of $7.75 billion and $5.87 billion for Japan, and these
were down slightly because of the economic slump.
The policy makers told us that PNTR was supposed to promote democratization,
human rights, free enterprise and the national interests of the
country. The falsity of these claims have already been proved.
Five will get you ten that more proof will be forthcoming, if
any more is needed.
Top
HISTORY, (3/18/02)
An essay
By Richard C. Sizemore
There is a major squabble raging in academy over the rules historians
should follow in
chronicling the past. Too bad the academy doesn't get just as
riled up over history being revised or not written at all because
of the elite power structure that prohibits it.
Some historians charge their works can't get printed, or that
they can't get to the proper sources to get the truth because
of control by the historical establishment or tax-haven foundations
that support selective research. One even charges that a former
Harvard president approved an order to have his book burned in
Germany.
The controversy arose over the failure of Stephen E. Ambrose
to slap quotes around a source in a few passages of a book where
he gives clear credit to the author. The criticism here is not
that Ambrose shouldn't obey the academic rules like everyone else.
It's just that the academicians have their priorities skewed.
Their guns should be aimed at the sources who distort, revise,
finance, publish dictate what historians can write and report
instead of academic rules, well-meaning guides that they may be.
Ambrose, you may recall, wrote a two-volume history of Eisenhower
and a three-volume book on Nixon and D-Day and a book about soldiers
in World War II that won him fame and money, among others. The
former professor at the University of New Orleans began to churn
out works at a fast clip and claims the fast pace and not plagiarism
was responsible for any slight deviation from the rules.
He said he thought the material in his current best seller, The
Wild Blue was properly footnoted if some passages may not have
been quoted in the text. He promised to make corrections and to
put quotes around ''anything that comes out of a secondary work,
always,'' according to a story in The New York Times.
Another subject brought into the hassle was whether scholarly
works with all their appendices, notes, quotes, references and
footnotes can be interesting story telling or boring chronicling
. Speaking of footnotes, Harry S. Truman who professed to be a
historian and wrote a 376-page book on American history, eschewed
them with a passion. He included one footnote in his entire book
and admitted frankly, ''I'm not much on footnotes. I like to read
right along when I'm reading a book and not keep dropping my eyes
down eight or ten inches all the time.''
H.S.T.'s. footnote incidentally named the 48 men who signed the
Declaration of Independence with some elaboration about them.
As for his creditability as a historian, Gore Vidal, who has written
several historical novels and is a pretty good historian himself,
has some dialogue in his The Golden Age in which a senator says
of Truman: ''He's ignorant. He reads one history book and thinks
he understands history. Everything's like a cartoon to him.''
Often one finds more history in a good historical novel than
in the formal and more-often-than-not, boring history or text
books of college professors. And it's a lot more entertaining.
BOREDOM
For absolute boredom and a cure for insomnia, I recommend histories
written by almost any one from Oxford University. I site Millenium
by Felipe Fernandez-Armesto as exhibit No. One. Any history by
Paul Johnson whether about Christianity, Jews, the United States
or whatever also fits this category. And Johnson with all the
formality of academia doesn't always get his facts straight.
As an example in his A history of the American People, Johnson
states that since the days of Andrew Jackson Fort Knox gold has
been counted annually by the Daughters of the American Revolution
(DAR).
Since I had read that even congressmen have not been able to
get this information, my interest was piqued. So I called the
DAR and found out that it wasn't even founded until 1890 - more
than half a century after Jackson's tenure as president from 1829
to 1837.
During his tenure as chairman of the House Banking Committee,
Congressman Louis T. McFadden would love to have had the gold
count, especially when he was charging the Federal Reserve Board
with depleting U.S. gold reserves with shipments overseas to England
and France. There was no DAR or any other public count. Specifically,
Johnson wrote that Jackson, ''
inaugurated an American tradition
which continues to this day; every year, the Daughters of the
American Revolution send a committee of ladies to visit the vaults
of Fort Knox, to ensure that America's gold is still there.''
And if one wants to learn about the machinations that went on
in forming the Federal Reserve Board by a group of private bankers
and other misdeeds during the Wilson Administration, he won't
find the answer by reading Johnson's history. Nor did he cover
the secret way FDR manipulated the nation into World War II when
he promised to keep it out, ''except in case of attack.'' The
question is, did Roosevelt's tactics deliberately goad Japan into
attacking at the cost of American lives?
Johnson doesn't address the subject in his 976-page opus with
83 pages of source notes, which apparently comply with the history
rules of academia but leaves readers with a blank in World War
II history and gives FDR a better historical image. Incidentally,
there is no source note for the DAR reference.
The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) has been involved in running
American foreign policy for about 80 years, but Johnson makes
no mention of it, or of its affiliation with the Milner or Rhodes
group in England and its appeasement policies that led to World
War II.
Now, for a good example of a work that follows the rules of Academy
but offers little entertainment in an attempt to deliver an obfuscated
message, I recommend Jihad vs. McWorld by Benjamin R. Barber,
a political scientist at Rutgers University.
Here is a 300-page opus choked with academic verbiage and a plethora
of references to other works and scholars, a couple of appendices,
78 pages of notes and a blatant display of pedantry. Barber's
message is that democracy is being undermined today by multinational
corporations exporting fast music, fast computers and fast food
(western culture, or his term for consumer capitalism, McWorld)
and by Jihad, the resentment (from mild protests to deadly force)
of tribes or groups against it.
Barber contends only some version of global civil society can
counter the two opposite forces neither of which promote or are
conducive to democracy.
OTHER EXAMPLES
But back to some examples of distorted history and why academia
should give it as much attention as the rules of research and
writing.
Eustice Mullins describes in detail the problems he had getting
a publisher for his book that details the scheming that went on
to establish the Federal Reserve System that gave control of the
nation's money and credit to private bankers. In The Secrets of
the Federal Reserve, Mullins said 18 publishers turned down the
original book and that one told him frankly he doubted it would
ever get published.
He also relates that James B. Conant, then High Commissioner
in Germany and former President of Harvard University, approved
an order to have his book burned in Germany.
Gary Allen, who wrote None Dare Call it Conspiracy and The Rockefeller
File also faced obstacles in getting his works published. Allen,
a history major at Stanford University, noted the slanting and
omissions of history through his independent research.
Any college graduate that has taken history and continued to
have an interest in it and read it after graduation must be aware
that he did not get the unadulterated facts while a student. The
facts are available only through courageous writers who are willing
to sacrifice their careers and be castigated for trying to set
the record straight.
SUTTON
One such historian is Antony C. Sutton, former research Fellow
at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University and former economics
professor of California State University. He charges there is
an Establishment history that dominates history textbooks, trade
publishing, the media and library shelves.
''Woe betide any book or author that falls outside the official
guidelines. Foundation support is not there. Publishers get cold
feet. Distribution is hit and miss, or non-existent. He points
out the Rockefeller Foundation paid for an official history of
World War II to ensure the official line dominates.
Sutton's contract was not renewed at Stanford when he exposed
the support given Communist Russia by the Rockefellers and other
elite insiders. His book National Suicide details this with abundant
facts.
Sutton wrote an in-depth study of the Order of Skull & Bones
in a book that is critical of the presidency of George H. Bush
and his father, Prescott Bush, both of whom belonged to Bones,
as does George W. Bush, the president. Sutton claims Bones is
the most powerful of the elite groups such as the Bilderbergs,
the Council on Foreign Relations, and the Trilateral Commission,
all of which overlap in the elite establishment that rules the
nation.
In his book, America's Secret Establishment, Sutton wrote. ''
It
can be argued that our Western history is every bit as distorted,
censored, and largely useless as that of Hitler's Germany or the
Soviet Union or Communist China. No Western foundation (set up
as tax havens for the wealthy) will award grants to investigate
such topics, few Western academics can 'survive' by researching
such theses and certainly no major publisher will easily accept
manuscripts reflecting such arguments.''
And what has the George W. Bush Administration done to enhance
truth-in-history? Placed roadblocks in the path of researchers
and endorsed operating in secrecy, for openers. But then Sutton
pointed out that Bones, or The Order, believes in more state power
and not that the State exists to serve the individual. Bush's
actions to date fit that philosophy.
As an example, he issued an executive order limiting the public
disclosure of presidential papers even if former presidents want
to make them public. The order permits presidents to keep their
records locked up for as long as they want and effectively rescinds
the 1978 Presidential Records Act, critics charge.
The order grew out of a decision by the Bush Administration to
block certain Reagan Administration papers, some of which deal
with officials who now have high-level posts in Bush's administration,
as well as Bush's father who was vice president under Reagan.
It also covers papers in his father's administration.
Bush also invoked executive privilege in rejecting a congressional
subpoena for prosecutors' records related to the Clinton administration
campaign finance investigation Rep. Dan Burton expressed the sentiments
of several critics when he said ''This is not a monarchy.'' He
pointed out ''The legislative branch has oversight responsibilities
to make sure there is no corruption in the executive branch.''
Everyone is familiar now with the battle over records requested
by Congress from Vice president Dick Cheney concerning the policy
decisions on energy. Critics charge the administration may be
hiding something given the oil background of several high administration
officials, including Bush and Cheney, plus the input from Enron
officials.
BUSH'S INCURSIONS
Other examples of Bush Administration incursions against constitutional
individual rights include:
· The scuttling of the right of confidentiality between
lawyers and clients in favor of eaves dropping if there is ''reasonable
suspicions.''
· An attempt, killed in the test stage because of vehement
protests, to plant false information in the foreign media as part
of the war on terrorism.
· The use of secrecy and patriotism in the fight against
terrorism, which Bush calls war even though he won't ask Congress
to declare war. One of his critics - Sen. John Kerry (D., N. H.)
- accused Republicans of hiding behind a ''false cloak of patriotism''
against those who question the expansion of the conflict to other
nations.
If historians were able to get the facts and write history based
on the facts rather than the establishment line, the families
in the Order and other related, elite groups might be exposed
for policies detrimental to the public welfare, rather than extolled
and rewarded by being placed in high positions to control the
nation's resources as well as its course.
Here's a few examples of subjects you won't find the truth about
in the history texts in college or in the history sections of
libraries.
· The secret government run by Woodrow Wilson's wife during
his incapacitation from strokes, such as the critical decisions
made by her and why Congress let the imperial presidency get away
with it.
· The influence of the London Connection as represented
by Wilson's bosom adviser, Col. Edward M. House of Texas.
· Details of the machinations of Frank Roosevelt and Wilson
in leading the nation into World Wars I and II, respectively.
As an example, did Roosevelt let Americans die and the obsolete
battleships be sunk at Pearl Harbor in order to draw us into war?
Was it co-incidental that the aircraft carriers were safe at sea?
· Who gave the order to destroy Charles A. Lindbergh's
book Why is Your Country at War during Wilson's administration?
Most of his book attacking the money trust was also destroyed.
Who did it and why?
· Why did Thomas Jefferson try to bend the Constitution
to hang Arron Burr who could probably have been president instead
of Jefferson if he had challenged him in a tie-breaking election?
· The truth about events that led up to the duel between
Burr and Alexander Hamilton as well as the duel itself. Gore Vidal
has shed more light on this than the establishment historians.
· An account of the shadow government (not Bush's emergency
shadow government) that has been running American foreign policy
through organizations such as the order of Skull & Bones to
which the Bushes belong; the Council on Foreign Relations, the
Trilateral commission and the Bilderbergs, all of which are related
although some have more clout than others.
· The Clinton giveaway of American technology to Communist
China and others, plus his campaign finance deals. In fact, a
thorough investigation of his sorry administration despite Bush's
executive order protecting Clinton documents.
· The list could go on and on to include the money given
to Lenin and the Bolsheviks during the Russian Revolution by the
Rockefellers and American banks; even the transfer, Sutton charges,
of U.S. technology to Hitler's Germany.
The point is that history would be better served by attacking
the establishment line and going after the truth rather than by
worrying about quotation marks, dangling participles or formal
English usage. The composer Bach is reported to have told one
of his lady piano students, ''Madam if you hit the proper keys
at the proper time, the instrument will play itself.''
If historians and journalists would get the facts, the stories
would largely tell themselves, although this is not to imply that
the rules should be scuttled. Just that the emphasis may be in
the wrong place.
One way to skirt the foundations and the controlled publishers
might be for honest historians to form their own independent organization
and pool their resources and publish their own books. Maybe the
public would support such a move.
Then we could just get the facts, ma'am, just the facts, as Joe
Friday used to say. As it is, we're getting formally packaged
pabulum.
Top
BUSH
SHUNS TEXAS GOP CONVENTION AGAIN
An essay
By Richard C. Sizemore
For the second consecutive
time, President Bush has skipped the Texas Republican convention
and avoided any confrontation
with the party’s ultra-conservative leadership whose
positions are about as far from his as the elite eastern establishment’s
are from the John Birch
Society.
Bush’s absence is too
obvious to be coincidental and clearly suggests he wants nothing
to do with the Texas Republican Platform passed by more than 8,000
delegates.
The party, however, approved
a resolution commending the president for his stewardship in leading
the nation against terrorists, but it called on him to put down
his pen and stop signing executive orders.
Not only that but it also wanted him to rescind all existing
executive orders including the ones he has signed to date.
It called on Bush not
to bypass Congress in making executive decisions and using any
power that is not explicitly granted him by the Constitution. It also directed the president to end all existing emergencies granted
under laws that go back as far as the Roosevelt days and the Great
Depression.
The party platform wants
abolished the War Powers Act of 1973 that gives presidents broad
authority to commit troops and military resources for up to 60
days without congressional oversight.
The Constitution gives only Congress the authority to declare
war, and Texas Republicans want Bush to go by the book
in committing U.S. troops to fight on foreign soil.
But these planks are
just the tip of the iceberg as far as the conservative platform
goes. That should clear up any ambiguity as to why
Bush stayed out of Texas on two occasions while the party met. After all, he boards Air Force One just about
every day for some destination.
On the opening day of the convention he was in Des Moines,
Iowa, and after the weekend he was back on the big bird for a
trip to Kansas City, and a week later in Florida to support brother
Jeb for his rerun for governor. But he couldn’t make Texas except via of a
video address from the Oval Office.
He did show a week later in Houston for some fund-raising
activity.
To get an idea of how
far the president and the Texas GOP platform are apart, consider
these planks that would:
Rescind U.S. membership
in the United Nations – not only that but evict the organization
from U.S. soil; stop funding the International Monetary Fund;
support an amendment to the Constitution that any treaty that
conflicts with it is null and void (presumably, that would include
WTO and NAFTA); abolish the Internal Revenue Service and eliminate
the income tax in favor of a national retail sales tax; abolish
such governmental agencies as the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and
Firearms; the Surgeon General’s Office, EPA, and the Departments
of Energy, HUD, Education, Commerce and Labor; remove China from
favored trade relations status until it stops transferring advanced
technology to rogue states and removes its presence from the Panama
Canal; re-establish U.S. control over the Panama Canal; and oppose
any further ‘’amnesties’’ for illegal aliens and deportation of
aliens not carrying the required ID.
The party reinstated
its opposition to one world government organizations but did not
name them as it has done before in naming the Council on Foreign
Relations (CFR) and the Trilateral Commission (TC).
In its 1998 and 1996 platforms it called for
a Congressional investigation to determine if the CFR and the
TC were promoting one-world government to the detriment of U.S.
interests and sovereignty.
It first toned down this
resolution by not mentioning organizations by name in 2000 and kept the wording intact in the
2002 platform which reads: ‘’A
one world government is in direct opposition to the basic principles
of the United States of America eroding our sovereignty and our
goals for leadership in world affairs.’’
Scott Fisher, platform
chairman, said the 2000 committee felt that calling for a Congressional
investigation of the CFR and TC might lead to similar probes of
conservative groups such as the Christian Coalition.
So, references to specific organizations were eliminated. But the wording left little doubt who the platform
was referring to, and the Bush Administration -- as were the Clinton,
Bush I, Reagan and Carter Administrations
-- is saturated with CFR
members.
The Platform Committee
repealed a couple of planks from two years before that would have
the nation return to the gold standard and abolish the constitutionally
questionable Federal Reserve Board.
It also left out a 2000 plank that supported a congressional
audit of the Fed as well as make minutes of its meetings public.
Democrats immediately
pounced on the platform and apparently showed up for that specific
purpose. Molly Beth Malcolm, Texas Democratic Chairwoman
who was in town during the GOP convention, declared: ‘’This is an extreme party with an extreme
platform that doesn’t sit well with most Texans.’’ Two years before, then President Clinton said a friend, whom he
did not identify, told him the platform, which was similar to
the new one, ‘’was so bad that you could get rid of every fascist
tract in your library if you just had a copy of the Texas Republican
platform.’’
Democrats continued to
attack the platform a week later at their convention in El Paso
with Malcolm claiming Republicans as a party of ‘’far-right extremists.’’
Republicans chided Democrats
for keeping their national figures such as Tom Daschle, Ted Kennedy
and Hillary Clinton out of Texas during their convention to avoid
guilt by association. But
then Republicans had no national figures at their convention either,
except the state’s two senators – Phil Graham and Kay Bailey.
The race card entered
the picture with Democrats charging no diversity with two whites
– Gov. Rick Perry and John
Cornyn – running for governor and senator, respectively, against
businessman Tony Sanchez, a Hispanic, and former Dallas Mayor
Ron Kirk who is black. Republicans
countered that their overall ticket for offices is as diverse
as that of the Democrats although not the top of the ticket.
How it plays in November
may have a crucial bearing on how Bush, who will be in the state
campaigning for Republican candidates, will fare in the 2004 presidential
election. One Texas politician
pointed out that in the 1998 gubernatorial election, Bush mustered
only about 16 percent of eligible voters.
Most voters stayed home as Democrats abandoned their gubernatorial
nominee.
Some Republicans worried
that without George W. Bush at the top of the ticket, new faces
could be a liability to the party.
But outspoken former Gov. Bill Clements advised them not
to worry. He told a Dallas Morning News reporter ‘’The republican Party is not a party
spelled B-U-S-H.
But the question remains,
with new and diversified candidates will the Democrats be rejuvenated
enough to capture the top of the ticket which they have not done
since 1990 when Ann Richards was elected governor?
And if they do, will it carry over to the 2004 presidential
election?
Former President Bush
and his son are fond of nick-names, we are told, and the elder
Bush dubbed his son, Quincy after the only president to follow
his father in office until George W. did so.
Another appropriate nick-name might be One-Vote George
since he was elected by one electoral vote and one Supreme Court
vote. But Democrats would
to hang another moniker on him:
ONE-TERM GEORGE.
Other things the GOP
Platform would do include: urging GOP candidates to support the
platform and attest that they have read it and consider funding
only those that support it; supports prayer
in school and the right to display the Ten Commandments on public
property; opposes abortion and homosexuality as an alternative
life style; opposes ideologically enforced political correctness;
would treat secular humanism
and new age religion the same under the law as any other recognized
religions and opposes a constitutional convention.
It is interesting that
the platform supports English as the official language while Texas politicians are busy learning Spanish to appeal
to Latino voters, including Gov. Rick Perry. Even President Bush has learned Spanish and used it in some of his
Saturday radio broadcasts.
Top
THE U.S. CONSTITUTION
An essay
By Richard C. Sizemore
Ten score and 26 years ago on this July 4, 2002 our forefathers
decided they had had enough of tyranny and decided they wanted
to be free men and women. So,
they drew up a document declaring that freedom and offered their
lives, fortunes and sacred honor to defend it.
Sixteen months later the 13 original states formed
Articles of Confederation to guide the new country, but the document
came up short in providing national guidance in foreign affairs
and sovereignty rights between the states as well as other jurisdictional
disputes.
So, ten years later in the hot summer of 1787 when
it became evident that a government with central powers overriding
individual state authority was needed, 55 of the new nation’s
brightest men with altruism,
foresight and knowledge of
the history of
the forms of government that had been tried to that time met in
Philadelphia to write a new Constitution.
Of the
original 55 men that came to Philadelphia, 39 survived the contentious
arguments through the sweltering summer and 38 of them signed
the new document on September 17, 1787, 11 years after the Declaration
of Independence was signed and 10 years after
the Articles of Confederation.
The signers included Benjamin Franklin, Alexander
Hamilton, James Madison and Benjamin Franklin. Oddly, George Washington, who presided over
the meetings all summer, did not participate in the deliberations
nor did he sign the document.
Thomas Jefferson, who wrote the Declaration of Independence,
was in Europe and also did not sign it, although he had signed
the Declaration.
As an interesting aside, five men signed both the
Declaration and the Constitution, and four of them were from Pennsylvania.
The five were Roger Sherman, Connecticut, and Franklin,
George Clymer, Gouverneur Morris and James Wilson, who later sat
on the first Supreme Court, all from Pennsylvania.
What these men produced was a road map for free
men to live by. It was
written in brief terms and confined to the enunciation of basic,
permanent principles in broad terms.
It offered a framework that provided a balance between
authority and individual liberty.
But the Constitution was not fully certified until 1791
when the Bill of Rights was added.
These rights spelled out the guarantees of individual liberty.
The United States Constitution is now the oldest
existing national constitution and has been described in its original
form as an almost perfect document.
It may not have been perfect but like Solon, the ancient
Greek lawgiver, said when asked if he had provided
the Athenians the best laws:
‘’No, but the best they could receive’’ – that is, as Will
Durant explained in Heroes of History, ‘’the best that the conflicting groups and interests
of Athens could at that time be persuaded to accept. And that also is the way with the U.S. Constitution.
But from the time the ink dried on the U.S. Constitution
special interests, greedy politicians and businessmen and men
with sinister aims and a lust for power have directed assaults
on it. The Scythian sage, Anacharsis, Solon’s friend
and cynic, may have gotten it right more than 2500 years ago when
he said, according to Durant, ‘’no lasting justice can be established
for men, since the strong or clever will twist to their advantage
any laws that are made…’’
When Franklin emerged from the constitutional convention
he was asked what form of government the delegates had wrought. ‘’A republic, if you can keep it,’’ was his
reputed reply. If YOU
CAN KEEP IT!
IF YOU CAN KEEP IT! And therein lies the rub.
Let us recall that in a republic the people are
the masters and the government is subordinate to them. The Constitution was supposed to be the law
of the people for control of the government.
HAVE WE KEPT IT?
Now let us consider what our answer would be today
if Mr. Franklin could ask us if we have kept the country a republic
and protected the Constitution?’’
Let’s look at some of the attacks made on the great document and consider some of the
liberties the founding fathers gave us that we don’t have any
more.
A simple place to start is to listen to the emotional,
rendition of The Pledge
of Allegiance by John Wayne backed by
music and chorus.
‘’With liberty and justice for all’’ Wayne intones.
But we know those who can afford the best legal counsel
and mount the most political prestige or even, in some cases,
slip the judge or a legislator a stipend, tend to get the best
justice. We also know
the elite political class is running things their own way at public
expense and the dilution of our constitutional rights.
‘’A land of laws and checks and balances’’ Wayne
adds. That’s the way the
founders wanted it to be. But
the balance has clearly shifted to the Executive Branch, and Congress
has abdicated much of its constitutionally-granted power and has
become a rubber stamp in major areas like war and foreign policy;
and the Supreme Court legislates by fiat or refuses to
review wrongfully decided cases after time lends credence and
public apathy to them.
‘’A land where freedom of worship is the cornerstone
of her being.’’ We know
that is no longer the case. The
Supreme Court has taken religion out of the public domain and
out of the schools and made a mockery of the religion clauses
in the Bill of Rights as well as the freedom of speech clause.
Liberal groups such as
the American Civil Liberties Union, People for the American
Way and other organizations are waging a constant war against
religion and consider the Constitution outmoded.
Probably the most damaging assault on the Constitution
and the ideals of the founding fathers came with Franklin D. Roosevelt
who apparently wanted to be and practically became a dictator. But Woodrow Wilson was on watch when the Federal
Reserve System was created to give the nation’s money and credit
to a group of private bankers – a move vigorously opposed by Thomas
Jefferson, Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln through the years.
From the day December
23, 1913, that the central bank law was signed by Wilson, ‘’…the Constitution ceased to be the governing
covenant of the American people, and our liberties were handed
over to a small group of international bankers,’’ wrote Eustice
Mullins in The Secrets of the Federal Reserve. Wilson also gave us the income tax and
other socialist laws, and Roosevelt chipped in with the unconstitutional income tax withholding scheme in 1943.
INDESPENSIBLE FRANK
What Roosevelt did was maneuver the states and
Congress into granting him dictatorial war powers during peacetime
thereby technically suspending the Constitution.
In fact, Dr. Eugene Schroder contends most Americans today
have never lived under a constitutional government since that
legislation was passed on March 9, 1933, and he cites Senate report
93-549 to confirm it.
Roosevelt went to the states for the power he sought
since he knew that Congress didn’t have the constitutional authority
to grant it to him. The
states did, however, under powers of the states granted in the
10th Amendment.
So, Roosevelt called for a governor’s conference
to meet March 6, 1933 – three days before Congress was to meet
in emergency session – and after gaining the governor’s approval,
issued a proclamation closing and seizing the nation’s banks.
Roosevelt declared a national peacetime emergency,
citing war powers legislation of World War I. On March 9, Congress rubber stamped the action
by passing the Emergency Banking Act Bill, part of which amended
Section 5 (b) of the 1917 Trading With the Enemy Act, wrote Dr.
Schroder in Constitution, Fact or Fiction. Schroder added:
‘’A full-blown peacetime emergency government was
born—a constitutional horror.’’
It didn’t end there with Roosevelt who continued
to experiment with socialistic and constitutionally questionable
measures, some of which a conservative Supreme Court frowned upon. So, the would-be dictator launched an all-out effort to stack the
court which failed. Ironically,
he was able to stack the high court with his own rubber stamp
liberals anyway as deaths opened vacancies.
(CONTINUED)
Top
THE U.S. CONSTITUTION II
An essay
By Richard C. Sizemore
As we celebrate more than two centuries of freedom
this July 4, 2002, it is a good time to reflect on the kind of
government Benjamin Franklin said the founding fathers gave us
after emerging from the constitutional convention in 1787.
‘’A Republic if you can keep it,’’ Franklin is reputed
to have replied to a questioner.
Here’s a brief look at some areas where we have
gone wrong, in addition to those mentioned in the first part of
this essay.
Since the days when Franklin D. Roosevelt stacked
the Supreme Court with liberals who would rubber stamp his agenda,
the High Court has been assaulting the Constitution to the point
where Jurist Robert H. Bork called the Court ‘’ today anti-democratic’’
and ‘’despotic.’’ See
Judge Bork’s Slouching Towards Gomorrah (p.119).
But it doesn’t take a legal scholar to know that
the Constitution has been reduced to nothing more than a historic
national relic, except when it just happens to back someone’s
special interest.
As noted the courts and legislatures either chip
at the Constitution or make wholesale changes such as the Marbury
case (which established the court’s power to declare laws unconstitutional)
; the Dred Scott case (which read the right to own slaves into
the Constitution); Brown v. Board of Education (which was the
right decision but reached via the 14th Amendment which is questionable, according to Judge Bork); and Roe V. Wade which wrongfully made abortion
a constitutional right.
Chipping away includes a Supreme Court decision
in 1997 that narrowed double jeopardy protection when it scaled
back a standard set in 1989 for deciding when civil and criminal
penalties for the same conduct are unlawful.
The Court held three Oklahoma men could be prosecuted in
a bank failure case even through they already had paid civil fines for their actions.
Another irritant is how the court turned the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 from an anti-discrimination law into one that
permits discrimination. How
the Burger Court in a series of decisions changed the size and
non-unanimous structure of juries and ruled the Constitution does
not require a jury of 12. Americans have regarded the common law trial
jury that came from England via the Vikings as one of the bulwarks
of their liberty. But
discretion has been given to states for six-man juries and less
than unanimous decisions.
The O. J. Simpson trial opened up another can of
worms that may lead to another assault on the jury system. That is the complexity of future criminal cases
because of new scientific blood evidence such as DNA. Burger thought jurors couldn’t understand complex
business issues, so how are they to understand complex scientific
issues in this technological age?
Why, let the judges take over and denude the Constitution
a little more.
In a case decided in June 2002, the Court took
back some power granted to judges in murder cases. It held that any factor that led to a sentence higher than the statutory
maximum must be charged in the indictment and found beyond a reasonable
doubt by the jury. Previously,
judges alone could make factual determinations that subjected
a convicted murder to death penalty.
BANNING GOD
But judges were still overactive in another case
during the same month. The
9th Circuit Court
of Appeals in San Francisco overturned a 1954 Congressional act
that added ‘’under God’’ to the Pledge of Allegiance.
It held the pledge was unconstitutional.
That led to loud protests in Congress, a defiant
recitation of the pledge by lawmakers on the Capitol steps and
the circulation of a memo by the House campaign organization of
Republicans to call on school boards to ignore the appellate court’s
decision.
Now, the plot thickens and gets serious when one
branch of government calls for open disobedience of a court’s order, rather than correcting it by new legislation or
a constitutional amendment. What
happened to all the pronouncements that ‘’we are a nation of laws’’
used in the arguments to prevent impeachment of Bill Clinton? Maybe it means we are a nation of laws that appeal to us.
The High Court went off in left field during the
last presidential election and the voting mess in Florida. Several books have been written about how it
usurped the constitutional authority of Congress to determine
who received the most valid electoral votes for president in Florida.
It entered a partisan political dispute where it
had no authority to do so and by a 5-4 decision issued a stay
of disputed vote counting and then in an unsigned opinion stopped
the recount altogether. It cited the 14th Amendment guarantee
of equal protection while its stay , in effect, sealed the election
of George W. Bush and disenfranchised thousands of voters.
‘’The Supreme court may have committed one of the
biggest crimes in American history,’’ charged Vincent Bugliosi
in The Betgrayal of America. The culprits were
Chief Justice William Rehnquist and Justices Sandra Day O’Connor,
Antonin Scalia, Anthony Kennedy and Clarence Thomas, whom Bugliosi
referred to as ‘’the pharaohs of farce,’’ and the ‘’felonious
five.’’ Their decisions assured Bush the presidency regardless of how the
votes would have determined it.
In its 2002 session the Court became even more
brazen in overruling a previous 1973 decision by holding that
it can be constitutional for public money to finance tuition at
religious schools (vouchers).
That lent even more credence to Judge Bork’s contention
that ’We are increasingly governed not by law or elected representatives
but by an un-elected, unrepresentative, unaccountable committee
of lawyers applying no will but their own.
The Court voted 5-4 to uphold a school-voucher
program in Cleveland. Dissenting
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote:
‘’Whenever we remove a brick from the wall that was designed
to separate religion and government, we increase the risk of religious
strife and weaken the foundation of our democracy.’’
It would take much more space than can be used
here to chronicle all the unconstitutional sins of the Supreme
Court, Congress or the Executive Branch.
But a brief elaboration on some points may fit here.
And that would be more about the Banking Act of 1933 and
the peacetime powers that led to the imperial presidency.
Some of the abuses under the act by FDR have already
been noted, but Harry Truman continued the Act as have all presidents
since. During the height
of World War II Roosevelt advisers such as Alger Hiss and Harry
Dexter White already were busy planning for a world government
that would dilute U.S. sovereignty.
TRUMAN AND THE UNITED NATIONS
They got it when Truman continued Roosevelt’s plans,
and the U.S. Senate in 1945 -- after only six days debate as opposed
to 90 days and rejection for Wilson’s League of Nations – ratified
the U.N. Charter approved by Truman.
There were only three dissenters and they should be noted
–Sens. William Langer (R-ND), Henrik Shipstead (R-MN) and Sen.
Hiram Johnson (R-CA) who was in the hospital at the time.
Five years later in June 1950, Truman sent troops
to Korea under that charter and not by the U.S. Constitution. Since that time presidents under the charter
or through emergency powers granted by the 1933 Banking Act have
committed troops to various campaigns overseas.
They included Vietnam, the Persian Gulf War, Bosnia, Panama,
Somalia, Haiti, Afghanistan
and Southeast Asia.
Some critics refer to it as the ‘’overreaching
presidency,’’ others ‘’the imperial presidency,’’ but however
you term it the presidents have all by-passed Congress which has
acquiesced or rubber-stamped their actions.
President Bush asserted United Nations authority for his
Gulf action and said he would like to have but didn’t need congressional
approval. Clinton did
the same in Haiti and Bosnia.
Louis Fisher, a constitutional authority, contends
that executive initiatives come at the expense of congressional
control and violate the Constitution.
Congress made a feeble attempt to curb the presidential
excesses in 1973 with the War Powers Resolution that President
Nixon vetoed and ignored as have all presidents since.
At present we are in a new state of emergency as
a result of 9/11 and individual liberties
are seized by presidents in such times in the name of public
interest. But like the
powers granted Roosevelt in 1933 the authority is seldom given
back. Government incursions on civil liberties will get worse
before the emergency is over.
The president also is laying the ground work for
a new policy of pre-emptive strikes against ‘’evil-axis’’ nations
that export weapons of mass destruction.
Those actions, too, will presumably by-pass Congress and
be the result of the president’s decision alone.
SOME ABUSES BY CONGRESS
Congress has had its share of constitutional abuses
in passing World Trade legislation that few, if any read, and
which took another chunk out of U.S. sovereignty as did NAFTA. It delegated its powers to control the nation’s money and credit
when it created the unconstitutional Federal Reserve Board and
handed that power to a group of private bankers back in 1910.
The Constitution in Article I, Section 8 specifically
enumerates 17 powers of Congress
and if you look at them you will see that the most important
have been delegated. It
did not authorize the creation of the many agencies around Washington
that Congress has created and which encroach on individual liberties
such as the Departments of Commerce, Labor, Transportation or
OSHA.
But enough examples have been cited to show we
have not maintained the Republic Mr. Franklin spoke of in Philadelphia. No, Mr. Franklin, we do not have the guts or
the brains that you, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Alexander
Hamilton, Samuel and John Adams, Edward Rutledge, James Madison
and your other brave cohorts had.
In short, we have about lost the Republic but still could
turn things around if we were only dedicated and as brave as you
were.
But we will celebrate this July 4. We will fly the flag and shoot off some controlled
fireworks as symbolic of the bombs bursting in air during the
Revolutionary War, have a cookout, give lip service to liberty
and meekly await the next
developments.
It’s somewhat comparable to an old wild-west movie
where the wagon train is under siege and the pioneers wonder if
the cavalry has been notified and, if so, if it will get there
in time to win the day. Only
in this scenario we are the cavalry, and if we are to win we’d
better get mounted.
In our celebration at this juncture, we will have
to be careful not to mention the name of God in public; we will
have to watch what we say in the interest of political correctness;
but if anybody wants to burn a flag or bring along some pornography,
that’s fine. It’s free speech, and we have to tolerate it.
But if we recite the Pledge of Allegiance with the phrase ‘’one nation under God ‘’in
it, that’s a no no, and
that goes for singing God
Bless America, too. It may contaminate somebody’s child forever.
The humanists and the atheists have told us so.
They apparently would rather have the Pledge read ‘’One
nation under anything goes with hedonism and promiscuity for all.’’
Such is the state of the Republic you left us,
Mr. Franklin.
Top
FOUNDATIONS
An
essay
By Richard C. Sizemore
Corporations. and their disregard for their charters
and the public interest from whence their reason for being comes,
have been dominating the news this year with their executives’
misdeeds, but we seldom hear about what’s going on in
the big foundations that are sitting on billions of dollars
in tax-free money.
Both corporations and foundations are heavily
involved in trying to influence the foreign and domestic policies
of the nation with gifts and grants.
We’re getting a perfunctory response from
the Bush Administration about the illegal acts of corporations,
some pundits charge, including Paul Krugman of The New York
Times. On 8/13/02 as the administration held a conference in
Waco, Tx., ostensibly to find out where the economy was and
where it was headed, Krugman pointed out its lack of vigor in
clamping down on the corporate giants since Enron went belly
up and other corporate frauds soon were exposed.
At this writing some of the Enron executives are
under fire, and one has entered a guilty plea, but Chairman
Kenneth Lay and Jeffrey Skilling, former chief executive, are
still free from charges by the Securities & Exchange Commission
and the Justice Department.
The president has been talking tough about punishing
corporate shenanigans, but he himself was involved in some of
the same tactics, as were his father and brothers, according
to Al Martin, a retired naval officer who has written an expose
about frauds that grew out of the Iran-Contra mess.
One other point before we get to foundations and
some of the big ones that disregard their philanthropic reason
for having a tax haven in favor of influencing the nation’s
direction toward world government and socialism.
Bush was apparently taking a cue from his predecessors
in the oval office as far back as the great depression when
he called the economic conference.
Harvard Economist John Kenneth Galbraith noted
in his book The Great Crash that Herbert Hoover held several
of the what Galbraith termed ‘’no-business meetings’’
during the dark days of the depression. ‘’The no-business
meeting was an almost perfect instrument for the situation in
which President Hoover found himself in the autumn of 1929,’’
Galbraith wrote. He added:
‘’Even though nothing of importance
is said or done, men of importance cannot meet without the occasion
seeming important.’’ It gives the impression of
something being done even if nothing is.
While Bush predicted a rebound in the ailing economy,
and Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill said he saw many reasons
to be positive, Alan Greenspan back in Washington was warning
the economy is in danger of greater deterioration as he declined
to maneuver interest rates.
Critics dismissed the pow-wow as a pep rally.
Even Bush aides were reported to have cautioned that the meeting
was not expected to generate any new policies, at least in the
short term. But it offered the President a chance to take his
message to the hinterlands on costly Air Force One, coupled
with fund-raising rallies for Republicans. Wonder how much of
the tab taxpayers will be picking up for these so-called working-political
sojourns?
FOUNDATIONS
One reason we don’t hear too much about
the influence the tax-free foundations foist on the people who
pay higher taxes because of them is that they have too much
money and clout to be attacked.
Look what happened the last time Congress back
in the 1950s tried to pry into their secrets to see if they
were aiding communism and socialism, which some of the top ones
were, including the Rockefeller and Carnegie Foundations. In
fact, the Cox Committee which preceded the Reese Committee,
disclosed that almost 100 grants were made to leftists by foundations
including those mentioned as well as The John Simon Guggenheim
Foundation, The Russell Sage Foundation, The William C.Whitney
Foundation and The Marshall Field Foundation.
Several other foundations were successfully penetrated
or used by Communists, the Cox Committee found, according to
Rene A. Wormser, in Foundations: Their Power and Influence.
Wormser was general counsel to the Reese Committee, whose hearings
had to be closed because of pressure and indignities from Congressman
Wayne Hays who was supported by several foundations, including
The Ford Foundation and the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace.
The Federal Government has only one way to regulate
foundations and that is by withholding their tax exemption.
The only person who can sue a foundation outside of a family
member is the attorney general of the state in which the foundation
is located. Anybody that doesn’t want his political career
destroyed will be reluctant to take that step, either at the
federal or state level.
As this is written, however, the state attorney
general in Texas is seeking $9 million from three persons connected
with the King Foundation for allegedly overpaying themselves
from 1989 to 2000. A relative initiated the investigation by
hiring an attorney to probe how the foundation awarded scholarship
money.
According the Dallas Morning News, the state charges
Carl Yeckel, CEO of the Carl B. and Florence E. King Foundation
with violating the Texas Nonprofit Corporation Act. It claims
they failed to use the foundation’s assets for charity
and not properly managing its assets. According to the News
it also ‘’alleges they misappropriated charitable
assets for their own or other’s use.’’
There are 2,335 foundations in the State of Texas,
according to the Directory of Texas Foundations. If the attorneys
general in Texas and other states investigated to see how the
foundations’ money was being allocated, wonder what they
would come up with? Remember, the case in Texas was initiated
by a foundation relative and did not originate with the attorney
general.
But occasionally a private study will pop up as
was the case recently by Neal B. Freeman, founder and CEO of
the Blackwell Corp., described as a tv production company with
a broad range of client services. According to NewsMax.com,
Freeman contends that the liberal establishment has control
of major foundations and are driving their agendas.
‘’What you have…(is) the great
fortunes of modern capitalism now turning to the service of
anti-market initiatives,’’ NewsMax quoted Freeman
as saying.
There is nothing new about that. In his book The
New World Order, Eustice Mullins called many of the top foundations
‘’syndicates’’ that promote left wing
causes such as the World Order. He listed the Brookings Institution,
the Rand and Mitre Corps., the Ford, Carnegie and Rockefeller
Foundations as examples of a powerful few.
In relation to their promotion of Communism, Wormser
said: ‘’If one accepts the concept and principles
of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution as expressions
of the existing order, then any attempt to replace them with
the concepts and principles of socialism must be considered
‘subversive’ and ‘un-American.’’’
Mullins in relation to foundations advocating
a program of one world government through their bequests, said:
‘’not only is this tax fraud, because the foundations
are granted tax exemptions solely to do charitable work, but
it is criminal syndicalism, conspiracy to commit offenses against
the United State.’’
PEOPLE’S POWER USURPED
People tend to forget that both corporations and
foundations get their power from them. The people are supposed
to be in control under our form of government, and not the other
way round. But with money and clout, the foundations and corporations
have usurped the power of the people by buying government and
judicial influence.
There are more than 20,000 active foundations
in the United States, and they are growing all the time. As
an example there are 1,533 listed in the 2002 edition of The
Foundation Directory that were not there a year ago.
The 10,000 largest grant-making foundations have
combined assets of more than $434 billion, according to the
Directory, and that is 90 percent of all foundation assets.
They awarded grants totaling about $25 billion, or more than
90 percent of all foundation giving in the latest year of record,
the Directory reports.
Almost 70 percent of the nation’s foundations
have been founded since 1950. And some of the earliest –
the Russell Sage Foundation (1907), the Carnegie Corp. (1911)
and the Rockefeller foundation (1913) – are still among
he largest and most active.
With this much money withheld from the U.S. Treasury,
there needs to be some responsible oversight of what the foundations
are doing and what agendas they are supporting, so the people
will know if their philanthropic reason for being is justified.
Studies and investigations so far indicate that
it is not for many of the foundations that are using the money
just to avoid taxes and to promote their own agendas.
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RESOULUTION
OR DECLARATION?
An
essay
By Richard C. Sizemore
Where is it written that the sovereign nation
of the United States of America must get rubber stamped resolutions
from Congress or the United Nations, or form coalitions or alliances
to go to war to protect its national interests? It isn’t.
The only constitutional way a president can take
this nation to war is by having the Congress declare war. A
resolution is all right to express the mood or co-operation
of Congress, but it is not the way the Constitution spelled
it out.
Congress, while by-passed in all but five of the
approximate 200 conflicts of armed force this nation has faced
in its history, still rubber stamps actions by whoever is president
as it did in Korea, Vietnam, the Gulf War, Bosnia, Somalia,
Haiti, Afghanistan and Southeast Asia. Remember when Clinton
told us U.S. troops would be in Bosnia for only one year?
Bush I bypassed Congress and went to the United
Nations in the Gulf War and stated openly that he didn’t
need Congressional approval, which he got anyway from a rubber
stamp Congress. Harry Truman and Lyndon Johnson also bypassed
Congress in the Korean and Vietnamese Wars, respectively. Truman
set the U. N.-authority precedent in the Korean War.
Now, Bush not only wants a resolution from Congress
to show the nation’s unity, even when he can’t get
a consensus from his own advisers, he also wants a stronger
resolution from the United Nations for arms inspections in Iraq,
although the old ones, still in force, have never been enforced.
Bush II went to Congress and the U. N. with his
mind made up and cited the previous U. N. and Congressional
resolutions as authority he already had in addition to executive
powers he claims to have for making war. His proposal to Congress
was for a ‘’further’’ resolution on
Iraq as he pointed to his previous authority. Down the road,
he may be wanting a ‘’further, further’’
resolution.
The founding fathers were well aware of this problem.
James Madison wrote: ‘’The Constitution supposes
what the history of all governments demonstrates – that
the executive is the branch of power most interested in war
and most prone to it. It has accordingly and with studied care
vested the question of war in the legislative’’
And George Washington said: ‘’…no offensive
expedition of importance can be undertaken until after they
(Congress) have deliberated upon the subject and authorized
such a measure.’’
Asking the U. N. for strengthened authority was
a bad idea from the start, and Former Secretary of States James
Baker, who proposed it, should have know that from all the dissension
among nations at the time it was made. His proposal, which Bush
II reluctantly adopted, gave Russia, China and France a chance
to switch their American support after Saddam Hussein relented
and agreed to let inspectors back in.
That not only divided U. N. members but also gave
Hussein time and more room to haggle and draw out the inspection
process and apparently delay any invasion without the U. N.
approval that the Bush Administration and one-world government
advocates so eagerly pursue.
According to Congressman Ron Paul, Russia and
France ‘’have made it known that they might be persuaded
to support our war effort if the American government guarantees
payment for commercial debts owed them by Iraq.’’
If the government uses taxpayers’ money to pay Saddam’s
bills and buy support then foreign policy has stooped about
as low as it can go.
All the unconstitutional wars and foreign entanglements
the U.S. has entered since Korea have brought nothing but disaster.
So, why can’t we stand on our own two sovereign feet?
Because the one world government advocates such as Bush I and
Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) that has infiltrated the
government want to dismantle sovereignty in favor of nation-states
in a world organization.
Bush called on the U. N. to show some backbone
in dealing with Iraq. Perhaps if U.S. presidents, such as his
father and Bill Clinton, had shown more backbone in dealing
with Hussein we wouldn’t have this problem that has been
lingering for more than a decade.
And speaking of backbone, U.S. presidents from
indispensable FDR to Bush II, with the possible exception of
Ronald Reagan, should have used it in upholding U.S. sovereignty
and the Constitution which they swore to do when they took office,
rather than seeking foreign agreements and alliances.
Even the Texas Republican Platform written by
grass-roots Texans, which Bush ignores, calls for the United
States to pull out of the United Nations and for the president
not to use executive orders to take us to war. But the New World
Order advocates would apparently rather see us as a nation-state
than a sovereign nation.
On 2/23/02 President Bush in calling on the U.
N. for a strong new disarming resolution against Iraq said if
it did not act, it might be reduced to nothing more than a debating
forum instead of a strong organization to control the peace.
But if the U. N. becomes a strong world police organization,
what does that do to the sovereignty of nations, ours in particular?
It makes them nation-states in a one-world government.
SOVEREIGNTY
The historical system of sovereignty of nations
was formulated in the 17th Century, the late Carroll Quigley
noted in his book, Tragedy and Hope. The criteria for sovereignty
was a nation’s ability to defend its boundaries against
aggression and to maintain law and order inside its boundaries.
But the cold war stand-off between the United States and Russia
changed the system when both started luring nations big and
small into their respective spheres, Quigley points out.
‘’By 1964,’’ he wrote,
‘’as a consequence of the power stalemate of the
Cold War, dozens of ‘states’…which could perform
neither of these actions were recognized as states by the Superpowers
and their allies, and achieved this recognition in international
law by being admitted to the United Nations.’’
If the cold War did indeed redefine sovereignty
unrealistically through the simple step of being admitted to
the United Nations, advocates of the New World Order want to
take it to a point of no sovereignty for nations whatsoever.
And when the United States seeks approval from
the United Nations to go to war it takes another giant step
toward dismantling our sovereignty just a Bush I and other presidents
have done. And as Congressman Paul wrote ‘’we give
credibility to the terrible notion that American national security
is a matter of international consensus.’’
Whether Saddam has weapons of mass destruction
or nuclear capability or whether he harbors members of al-Qaeda
or not -- and I believe he’s guilty on all counts -- is
not the theme of this essay. It is the U.S. Constitution and
sovereignty.
If all the answers to the questions are affirmative,
does that pose a threat to America’s security? That’s
another matter for the president to present to the Congress,
and Congress should assume its constitutional duties and either
declare or not declare war, and not be just a rubber stamp to
a decision that’s already been made.
WAG THE DOG CHARGES
It has been suggested that Bush II may want to
wag the dog of war for the Jewish vote to help his brother in
the upcoming Florida election; to sway the November elections
generally; for oil interests, and to avenge his father who apparently
doesn’t want to be avenged even though he messed up the
Gulf War both going in and getting out and is still defending
his actions. Bush II also mentioned that Saddam tried to assassinate
his father in the resolution he presented to Congress.
And here’s some more food for thought. On
9/16/02, according to NewsMax.com a story by Australia’s
Sunday Herald quoted from a position paper for world domination
that was presented to members of President Bush’s Cabinet
just before he took office. The document was allegedly written
by a secretive ‘’think tank’’ and titled
‘’Project for the New American Century.’’
It called for a substantial American force presence
in the Gulf that transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam
Heussin. It also called for asserting that U.S. security requires
that it tolerate no rivals to its global dominance. It is similar
to a memorandum written by Paul Wolfowitz, now the hawkish deputy
secretary of defense, which has been described as a plan to
create a U.S. world empire.
The interesting thing about the report is that
it not only calls for an attack on Iraq but outlines actions
designed to created a ‘Pax Americana’’ into
the foreseeable future.
Contrast this for the outlines for national security
strategy that President bush presented to Congress on 9/20/02
which changes U.S. strategy to pre-eminent attacks. It also
says ‘’Our forces will be strong enough to dissuade
potential adversaries from pursuing a military build-up in hopes
of surpassing, or equaling, the power of the United States.’’
If this is to come about U.S. politicians like
Clinton and the Bushes had better safeguard the technology that
taxpayers have paid for and stop taking money from China and
other potential enemies for such technology. Even now the White
House supports legislation that would allow his corporate friends
to sell U.S. technology abroad that could be copied by or transferred
to rogue states.
To avoid charges of a personal vendetta and political
motives, all h as to do is hand the call to
Congress in the form of a war declaration and not a resolution,
and keep the decision constitutional and the sovereignty of
the United States intact.
So, why doesn’t the president do it the
right way? Go to Congress and ask for a declaration of war,
have the merits of war and the threat to our security debated
and then if he gets or doesn’t get approval, he will have
done his job. Remember, Bush is a one vote president without
a consensus – one lamentable Supreme Court vote and one
electoral vote in a disputed election in which thousands of
voters were disenfranchised.
So, give congress the facts available, and let
the people’s representatives decide the issue.
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IS
AND WAS
an Essay
By Richard C. Sizemore
It wasn’t long ago we were having our intelligence
insulted with what the meaning of is, is. I don’t know
if we ever got beyond what we were taught in school that is
is the present indicative, third person singular of be. But
we’re moving ahead anyway, and we’re now working
on was.
What WAS the fact about President Bush’s
hefty profit from a low-interest loan he got from Harking Energy,
on whose board he sat, while ordinary outside stockholders picked
up the tab by suffering losses? WAS it a profitable insider
manipulation all the way?
So far, we have two versions from the White House
on what happened and an explanation that such transactions were
all right then but would be disreputable today. The President
even says he didn’t understand all the accounting in the
deal, yet he outlined a program for preventing such activity
in the future.
He stated that stiff penalties ought to be given
for frauds like the ones he himself and his family were engaged
in themselves, according to published sources. It turns off
investors, and if you run a game, you’ve got to have players.
So, the game at least has to have the appearance of honesty.
Sometimes one has to wonder if Lincoln shouldn’t
have said to win you have to fool most of the people for some
length of time. At least the latest misfits we’ve had
in the White House have fooled enough people for the necessary
amount of time to obtain the office and profit by it.
Bill Clinton topped them all when he had the gall
to point his finger at the American people and tell them ‘’I
did not have sex with that woman.’’ Of course, she
had sex with him, and Bill coined a new definition of sex. Maybe
these politicians are right in thinking we are all fools. At
least they treat us as such and get away with it.
Now we come to George W. who is obfuscating on
his explanation of the Harken affair but claiming a clean bill
nevertheless. Could it possibly be that we have another president
of questionable character in the oval office? I don’t
want to believe that. Still, the accusations and facts keep
coming, and the answers become murkier.
Bush has as some explaining to do about alleged
fraudulent involvement because of the Harken Energy bonanza
and other deals -- if a book available on the shelf at Barnes
& Nobel is even half right in its expose of the Iran-Contra
frauds and the Bush family’s alleged involvement in them.
THE BOOK
The book was written by a retired naval intelligence
officer – Lt. Cmdr. Al Martin. He writes that he was in
on several fraud deals with Jeb Bush and that the whole Bush
clan including, no especially, the former president, were knee
deep in fraud deals connected with infamous Iran-Contra government
insiders.
The expose is titled: The Conspirators: Secrets of an Iran-Contra
Insider. The author is in hiding because he says at least 400
people who knew too much have already been sent to untimely
deaths and another 1,200 were jailed for what they knew.
The problem was Iran Contra, which has been publicized
in the press, books and television, was a ruse from the beginning.
It was a government-sanctioned fraud operation in which elite
government insiders enriched themselves in the name of patriotism
– that is illicit arms sales to Iran coupled with illicit
weapons deals for Nicaragua, Martin claims.
‘’Operation Eagle’’ was
the original brain child of former CIA Director Bill Casey and
initiated by George H. Bush, Casey and Oliver North. When their
plan of government-sanctioned fraud and drug smuggling was begun,
Martin writes, ‘’they envisioned using 500 men to
raise $35 billion.’’ They ended up using about 5,000
operatives and making more than $350 billion in covert revenues,
he wrote
That caused a problem of raising enough money
to cover up the deals, which Martin claims are going on to this
day, and committing new fraud to pay for old fraud. The Bushes,
according to Martin, were up to their eyeballs in these fraud
operations, and even had their own specialties.
George W.’s, according to Martin, was insurance,
security and oil fraud; Neil’s specialty was real estate
(he was convicted and paid a measly $50,000 fine); Jeb’s
was oil and gas; Prescott Bush, brother of the former president
was good at banking fraud, Martin claims, and his son, Wally,
was adept in securities fraud. The former president’s
specialty was all of the above, according to Martin. But more
about this later.
SKULL & BONES
In 2000 on this site (see columns 2000), I wrote
an essay titled ‘’A Bush Dynasty.’’
In it, I
quoted extensively from Antony Sutton’s America’s
Secret Establishment, an Introduction to the Order of Skull
& Bones.’’ In this well researched book, Sutton,
a former research fellow at Hoover Institution, Stanford University,
claims members of the Order: ‘’...have created wars
and revolutions, they have ransacked public treasuries, they
have oppressed, they have pillaged, they have lied – even
to their countrymen.’’
The Bushes, George H and his father, Prescott,
and George W, all belong or belonged to the Order, which Sutton
says is Chapter 322 of a German secret society. Members of the
Order are sworn to secrecy and that poses the question of how
Presidents can take an oath to support and uphold the Constitution
and belong to societies that work in opposition to it
Sutton wrote a review of Martin’s book in which he commended
him for naming the names and dotting the eyes in Iran-Contra
– ‘’from Janet Reno to Oliver North to the
Bush family, drug smuggling, real estate fraud, weapons smuggling
– all in the name of the United States Government.’’
One other note about Martin’s book is a
reference to ‘’Operation Orpheus,’’
the brain child of Ollie North, not Ollie as in Oliver and Hardy
although it sounds like it, in which a plan is set up for a
phony nuclear attack from Russia to convert the U. S. into a
military dictatorship. The plan would have been triggered if
Iran-Contra fell apart and everything became public. It would
have been a silent coup against the U.S. Government, Martin
reports.
Names of those convicted in Iran Contra who got
light sentences, probations or pardons have been well publicized
and include North, Richard Secord, Duane R. Claridge, Alan D.
Fiers, Clair E. George, Elliott Abrams, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
Two national security advisers in the Reagan Administration
– Robert C. McFarlane and John M. Poindexter -- are
now back working quietly in the Bush II Administration.
Of course, Bush I pardoned Weinberger, Clarridge,
George, Fiers, Abrams and McFarlane.
One reason the present administration can’t attack the
Clinton pardons and other shenanigans is because the Bushes
were involved in the same things, including taking money from
China which wanted political influence to buy high technology
weapons.
PUZZLING OBSERVATION
One puzzling observation about Martin’s
book is that the regular White house press corp or others in
the media have not confronted the president or Jeb Bush about
the charges Martin makes. Nor, to my knowledge, and I read a
lot of newspapers and magazines, has the mainline press reviewed
Martin’s book.
News accounts out of Florida indicate Jeb Bush
as the front runner in the November gubernatorial election.
With all of the allegations about Jeb in Martin’s book,
it would appear advantageous to his opponent to circulate the
book or a synopsis of it about Jeb’s dealings. Janet Reno
was so prominently mentioned in the book that it would have
backfired on her had she won the democratic nomination..
There is no question that some publications have
been fearful of attacking certain aspects of the sordid Iran-Contra
story. So, the questions arises, are they afraid to review Martin’s
book, or do they consider him a questionable source, or are
they protecting the establishment? Historian Sutton says he
‘’dots the eyes and names the names’’
and commends the book to the reading public.
Some writers contradicting establishment history
and policies have had trouble getting their works published
or getting grants from foundations for research. That’s
why I was surprised to see Martin’s book on the shelf
at Barnes and Nobel. For the expose it is and the charges it
levels with apparent facts and names, it has not gotten the
attention one would expect.
Martin is organizing a new book which he will
title One Nation Under Fraud and it will be a history of the
Bushonian fraud, he says. It will concentrate on 30 top frauds
he claims were committed by the Bushes out of a total of 536
in the past 60 years. These top 30 will include bank, security,
insurance and gas and oil frauds, Martin reports on his web
site.
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